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George Washington Flowers 
Memorial Collection 



Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2014 




At a large meeting of the State Rights' and Jackson Parti/, 
convened at the Carolina Coffee- House on Tuesday Evening, the 
28th of September, to receive the Report of the Committee of 
Thirteen, appointed to form a Ticket, for a Member of Congress 
oiid Members of the State Legislature, Cotesworth 
Pi nCKNEV, was called to the Chair, and Stephen Elliott, 
appointed Secretary. 

The meeting being thus organized, Mr. Elliott, as Secre- 
tary of the Committee of Thirteen reported the following 
TICKET by authority of that Committee: — For Congress, 
William Drayton. For Stale Senator, Richard Cunningham. 
For Representatives, William Aiken, S. L. Simons, Henry 
Hulbeck, Jacob F. Mintzing, Eli as Horry, Jacob Axson, 
Henry L. Pinckney, John Ball, James Ferguson, Peter J. 
Sband, Isaac E. Holmes, Edward R. Laurens, Ker Boyce, 
Hu^h S. Legare, Matthew I. Keith, Henry A. Desaussure. 

The question being taken on the adoption and confirmation 
of this Ticket, it was carried by acclamation without one dis- 
senting voice, and the meeting agreed zealously, cordially, and 
undividedly to support it. 

Major JAiMEs Hamilton, Jun. then submitted the following 
motion : 

That a Committee of Three be appointed to frame an Ad- 
dress to be prefixed to the Ticket. 

Whereupon Major James Hamilton, jun., Charles Parker, 
and John Magrath, Esquires, were appointed said Committee. 

The Hon. Robert Y. Wayne then rose and addressed 
the meeting in a short, impressive and fervently eloquent 
speech, in which he pourtrayed with great force, not only the 
duties which the State Rights'' Party owed to the Constitution, 
but the duties which the party owed to the interests and honour 
of the State. The views of the party, he said, would be best 
promoted by thorough concord, by sacrificing all personal pre- 
judices and preferences, and cordially voting the whole Ticket 
without division, which suggestion was received with loud and 
continued applause. 

Major Hamilton, Jun. then reported the Address which 
was unanimously and enthusiastically adopted, and ordered to 
be prefixed to the Ticket. 

On motion, it was unanimously 

Resolved, That the Committee of Thirteen continue their 
organization until the day of election with full power to sup- 
ply such vacancies as may accidentally occur on the Ticket. 

On motion, it was unanimously 

Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting be given to the 

Committee of Thirteen for the able and impartial selection oT 
Candidates so entirely satisfactory to the States Rights' Party, 

On motion, it was unanimously Resolved, That the thanks 
of the meeting be given to the Committee for the eloquent 
and appropriate Address they have just reported. 

On motion, Resolved, That the proceedings of this tneeting F 
the Ticket, and the Address, be published in the different 
papers of this city. 

On motion, it was unanimously 

Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting be given to the 
Chairman and Secretary, for the able and faithful manner in 
which they have discharged their duties. 


Stephen Elliott, Secretary. 

The State Rights' and Jackson Party to the Electors of (he Pa- 
rishes of St. Philip and St. Michael. 

This community is divided into two parties — one it favor of 
opposing the usurpations of a despotic majority in Congress,, 
by all constitutional means connected with the reserved powers 
of the States — and the other, a party, however equivocal its 
language, yet by the irresistible force of its principles and me&- 
sures, in favor of submission to those usurpations, as a more 
peaceful and less hazardous alternative, than a firm mainte^ 
nance of our rights. 

To this latter party, we are proud to say, we do not now be^ 
long, and never can belong, even if the issue of the approaching 
election should determine that in the Parishes of St. Philip and 
St. Michael, it is your will that we should be in a minority. 

We have no hesitation in affirming that we are attached 
however, to a party who maintain that the Constitution of the 
United States is a plain matter of contract, by which the States 
who are parties to it, delegated certain powers and reserved 
certain rights ; that over these last, within the respective limits 
of the States, the Government of the Union has no control. We 
believe this cardinal article in our political faith, to be as es- 
sential to the preservation of the Union, as to the civil liberties 
of the States themselves. 

With this preliminary statement of our creed, we cannot be 
insensible to the experience of the past or the signs of the pre- 
sent times. The progress towards a consolidation of all the 
Reserved Rights of the States in the Federal head, has not been 
the less insidious, by its gradual advance towards a perfect con- 
summation. One of the most interesting reminiscences left 
by that great apostle of constitutional liberty, Thomas Jeffer- 
son, is to be found in his recently published memoirs. — It is rn 
the form of a cabinet conversation which took place between 
this patriot and the then President, General WASHINGTON, 
when the former was Secretary of State. — It bears date ae 



having not only occurred, but having been annotated on the 28th 
February 1792— -and we will not weaken the force of the truths 
it reveals, by giving it in any other language, than that of the 
illustrious interlocutor himself. — Speaking of the majority in 
Congress he remarks: "That it was a fact as certainly known 
4 as that he (Gen. Washington) and I were then conversing, 
Hhat particular members of the Legislature had brought for- 
4 ward a proposition far beyond every one yet advanced, and to 
4 which the eyes of many were turned, as the decision was to let 

* us know, whether we live under a limited or unlimited govern- 

* ment. — He asked me to what proposition I alluded. I an- 
swered, to that in the Report on Manufactures, which under 
4 color of giving bounties for the encouragement of particular 
' Manufactures, meant to establish the doctrine, that the power 

* given by the Constitution to collect Taxes, to provide for the 

* general welfare of the United States, permitted Congress to 

* take every thing under their management which they should 
4 deem best for the public welfare, and which is susceptible of the 

* application of money." 

We thus know, Fellow Citizens, how the cornerstone of 
Consolidation was laid — and if these things were done in the 
green tree, let us see what has been done in the dry ? — Can we 
employ any wisdom more profound, or use any language more 
authoritative, than that of the same Patriot? — After a lapse of 
thirty three years, he again says in his justly celebrated letter 
to Mr. G»les, under the date of 26th December, 1825, "I see, 

* as you do, with the deepest affliction, the rapid strides with 

* which the Federal branch of our Government is advancing 

* towards the usurpation of all the rights reserved to the States, 
4 and the consolidation in itselfof all powers foreign and domes- 
4 tic; and that too, by constructions which if legitimate, leave 
4 no limits to their power. — Take together the decisions of the 
4 Federal Court, the doctrines of the President, and the mis- 
4 constructions of the constitutional compact acted upon by the 
- Legislature of the Federal branch, and it is but too evident 
4 that three ruling branches of that department are in combina- 
4 tion to strip their colleagues, the State authorities, of the pow- 
ders reserved by them, and to exercise themselves all functions 
4 foreign and domestic. Under the power to regulate com- 
4 merce, they assume indefinitely that also over agricul- 
ture and manufactures, and call it regulation to take the 

* earnings of one of these branches of industry, and that too 
4 the most depressed, and put them into the pockets of the 

* other, the most flourishing of all. — Under the authority to 
4 establish Post Roads, they claim that of cutting down mountains 
4 for the construction of Roads, of digging canals, and, aided by 

* a little sophistry on the words general welfare, a right to do 
4 not only the acts specifically enumerated, but whatsoever they 

* shall think or pretend for the general welfare." 

However familiar, Fellow-Citizeu3, these warnings of this 


venerated Republican may be to you all, we could not forbear 
to call your attention most earnestly to them, for they may al- 
most be called his dying words; and we shall ask no higher 
Messing for our country, than that, in the difficult course which 
she is destined to steer, she may be governed by the chart of 
his principles and opinions. It is then against this doctrine 
of ''"the General Welfare" that the South has the utmost cause 
for complaint and alarm. We have seen that this doctrine 
has, in fact, enabled a bare majority in Congress to supersede 
all necessity for amendment to the Constitution by three-fourths 
of the St ates, and that whenever a new power is wanted, it is ob- 
tained, under this plastic clause, by a majority sometimes of one 
or two in the Senate, and four or five in the House of Represen- 
tatives, and that moreover, under the general power of appro- 
priation, a use will probably be made of the common treasure, 
(from instructions having already been given to the delegations 
of twelve States in this Union) in aid of the Colonization Soci- 
ety, which must put to hazard the peace and interests of the 
South, if not its very existence. An acquiescence in the past 
usurpations of Congress, makes this last threatened usurpation 
not a matter of conjecture, but of absolute certainty. It is use- 
less to fight the battle in detail, we must strike at the principle; 
we must endeavour to essay some means of confining the Gene- 
ral Government to the exercise of those powers that are enume- 
rated, and make the phrases of the " General Welfare," and 
the "power of appropriating the public money" alone appli- 
cable t > the powers thus enumerated in the Constitution. In 
this struggle, let us not even say with Mr. Jefferson, "that 
we have little hope that the torrent of consolidation can be 
withstood ;" let us rather say, as he said on the same occasion, 
"that we are not for giving up the ship without efforts to save 
her ; she lived through the first squall and may weather the 
present one." Yes ! and she will weather it, if the people of 
the Southern States are true to themselves ; if with undismayed 
firmness they maintain his principles and stand upon their own 
right ; if they disdain to utter the accents of an abject submis- 
sion or basely calculate the hazards by which Liberty may be 
won, rather than the blasting curses with which slavery must 
be endured. 

With a firm conviction that our patriotic Chief Magistrate 
will do all in his power to equalize the common benefits and 
burdens of this Confederacy, we nevertheless believe, the hope 
of redress from the justice of Congress is a melancholy infatu- 
ation which is unworthy of a momentary consideration. We 
are convinced that the decided stand which Virginia took, 
through her Legislature in '98, is precisely the ground which 
South-Carolina should occupy, by which the Constitution 
and the Union will he preserved. The same authority to which 
we have already appealed, and to which we mean to appeal 
again, tells us that at that period "by holding on, we (the Re- 


publican party) obtained time fur tbe Legislatures to come up 
with their weight, and those of Virginia and Kentucky particu- 
larly, but mure especially the former, which, by their celebrated 
Resolutions, saved the Conftirutipn at its LAST GASP." 

Our opponents, in the contest for the present election, anx- 
ious tu shift tin; ground from a consideration of our rights and 
the manner in which they have been violated, have turned the 
discussion entirely to mere questions of remedy, on which they 
have attempted to create a panic in the public mind by un- 
founded alarms. They say we ate in favour of Convention, 
and of Nullification as the scope and end of Convention, and 
that ^Nullification must end in Revolution. We affirm, as we 
have aitirmed before, that we have rendered no such issue; the 
Ticket we offer for your consideration, is neither pledged for 
or against Convention or Nullification, as w ill be made suffici- 
ently manifest at the close of this address. 

We acknowledge most freely and proudly that we are in 
favour of those principles upon which our rights are founded, 
and decidedly opposed to any measures by which they may be 
compromised by an unworthy and timid submission; but as to 
the question of remedy, we are willing to leave it to the delibe- 
ration of the Legislature, and think we are not performing an 
unacceptable service to the people by proposing candidates who 
will join in these deliberations, hoodwinked by no pledges to 
take care that nothing effectual be done for the relief of our 
sufferings from the burdens of a system full of injustice and 

It is not, however, the dread of the senseless cry of the 
alarmists that will restrain us from remarking, that these 
vaunted guardians of the people who show so much zeal against 
Convention, display but an indifferent confidence in their wis- 
dom and patriotism, by their unceasing denunciations of this 
assembly, as if it was some anarchical Pandemonium of fraud 
and usurpation. 

According to our understanding of our political system and 
its history, it is the very body from which our Constitutions, 
State and Federative, emanated, and we affirm that a Conven- 
tion has never been called in any State in this Union, without 
ministering to some beneficent purpose of domestic liberty and 
peace, and that of all bodies known to our social and civil 
polity, it is one the most likely to draw to itself the highest 
portion of the wisdom and public virtue of the people. W hether 
a Convention is, or is not necessary, is a question entirely aside 
from our present purpose to discuss, but if it be called and it per- 
form no other office than that of declaring, in conformity with 
a recent extra-judicial dictum of a functionary of the Supreme 
Court, that " Nullijication is a silly and nicked delusion" (if in 
fact, and on principle, this measure be so) it will have laboured 
to as salutary a purpose as the same individual has most sue- 


cessfully done in convincing us, how perniciously absurd it is td 
consider the Judges of the Supreme Court as fit arbiters be- 
tween the General Government and the States — between the 
government that pays them and the States that are oppressed. 
This novel mode of anticipating and deciding grave questions 
of constitutional law, out of court and in the public prints, is 
certainly to be recommended as a compendious process of dis- 
pensing, at least with the forms, if not the essence, of justice. 

The Ticket for our State Legislature, fellow-citizens, which 
we now offer to you for your support, has been formed by a 
careful selection of the best talents, patriotism, and public spi- 
rit, which were at the disposal of our party. A due regard has 
been paid to a representation of the various interests in our 
community; and likewise, in selecting those who have the 
deepest stake in the peace and safety of the State. In adding 
to these the names of some of our old Members, many of whom 
are the most prominent objects of the persecution and pro- 
scription of our opponents, we are sure we are acting in obe- 
dience to the unanimous voice of our whole Party — for if these, 
our approved public servants, have a single fault, it hath no 
other extent than this — a generous zeal for the interests and 
honour of their Constituents. We confess there has been one 
precaution which we have vigilantly exercised — that of careful- 
ly excluding from our Ticket, all those who have made them- 
selves peculiarly unacceptable to our fellow-citizens in the up- 
per country, by the gratuitous libels which they have uttered 
against the State Rights' Party, and by their insane and un- 
founded clamors of disunion, anarchy, and civil war, which have 
been so freely attributed to us, as belonging either to the ob- 
ject or tendency of our measures. In one word, we have se- 
lected those as fit to represent us, whose feelings and princi- 
ples would tend to remove the odium, that this Metiopolis is 
the mere vassal trading-market of Northern Capitalists. In 
the composition of this Ticket, we have tolerated the utmost 
differences of opinion on the question — whether Convention is, 
or is not, expedient at this particular crisis — and with this view 
we have merely enquired of each of the Gentlemen, whose 
names are now presented to you, or in their absence, their 

" Whether if elected to the Legislature they would go UN- 
PLEDGED, and be free to adopt such measures, as on con- 
sultation with their fellow members, they might deem the most 
judicious for relieving the State from the burdens of the Ame- 
rican System." , 

To which enquiry their replies have been abundantly satis- 

You will without doubt, fellow- citizens, recognise as a proof 
of our unabating - confidence in our worthy and distinguished 
Representative to Congress Col. William Drayton, h'ts 


name at the head of our Ticket. It is not the censorious use 
of the opinions of this gentleman against those friends who 
were among the earliest and most zealous of his supporters, 
so artfully employed by some of those who never found out his 
merits until they discovered that the authority of his name could 
be used for their own purposes, that can weaken his claims to 
our attachment and support. We need only appeal to the un- 
bounded adulation which this gentleman has received from our 
oppressors, even the manufacturers, their agents, and repre- 
sentatives, to shew how grossly his sentiments have either been 
mistaken or perverted. On the simple alternative of the Ta- 
riff Law as a mere question of Dollars and Cents and Disunion, 
what man of sense, with Col. Drayton, could hesitate for one 
moment as to his choice. The duty of two pence on Tea, at 
the commencement of the Revolution, as a mere question of 
profit and loss was not to be put in competition with one drop 
of the life blood that flowed from the heart of the gallant and 
martyred Warren, whilst a resistance to the principle on 
which it was levied, was worth all the blood that it cost. Let 
those who repose on the authority of Col. Drayton, propound 
the enquiry to him whether he is prepared to submit to a gov- 
ernment " without limitation of powers," or interpose the sov- 
ereignty of the State ? Can wft, who know him, doubt what 
would be his answer ? Let those too, who swear by his autho- 
rity, moreover, ask him if he thinks the principle of the Tariff' 
one of the links in the chain of this very government " without 
limitation of powers ?" In his absence, fortunately, we haf*e his 
answer at hand, pronounced, not after the consummation of 
the act of abominations of 1828, but on the mere apprehended 
passage of a much less oppressive measure — the woollens bill 
of 1827. In the following fine and indignant burst of elo- 
quence, he said : — " If Congress could impose the Tariff, thenis 
our independence but a phantom — then have the Patriots of the 
Revolution toiled in vain — then would it be better for us to return 
to our fanner Colonial vassalage, when, if unjustly taxed, the bur- 
den was imposed without discrimination, upon all our countrymen ; 
when, if oppressed, our oppressors were not our Representatives ; 
when, if we were enslaved, we were not guilty of forging the chains 
eur selves with which our liberty teas manacled." 

To conclude, fellow-citizens, we ask you in a moment of 
calmness and deliberation, to lay your hands upon your hearts, 
and say, whether you believe that nineteen-twentieths of the 
owners of our soil, from the mountains to the sea-shore, who 
think even with Col. Drayton, if Congress can be guilty of 
the usurpations they have perpetrated, " our independence is 
but a phantom," or who think with us that these usurpations 
•should and must be arrested, are bent on civil war, or have en- 
tered into that most extraordinary of all conspiracies against 
the Union, which is known to the whole world, " though few 


are in the secret!" For example, can you believe that the men 
who compose the subjoined Ticket will countenance any mea- 
sures having the remotest tendency to involve our beloved Srate 
in intestine commotion and blood, unless indeed you are pre- 
pared to think they will favor the decree, by law, of a sort of 
sanguinary Saturnalia, and have a strong desire to see their 
own warehouses rifled by rapine, and their barns burnt to the 
ground by > incendiary violence. No! between submission to 
usurpation and revolution, our Constitution has provided a mid- 
dle ground, where we trust in. God, through all time to come, 
our State may find Liberty, Peace ^aud Safety. 

Fellow-Citizens of the State Rights' and Jackson Party, lef 
us remember our pledge* to give this Ticket our cordial and 
u 'livided support. In one word, jet every man do his duty. 
If we are victorious, let moderation, rather thaw exultation, 
l»e the token of our triumph. If defeated', let the principles we 
sustain, be the bond of our Union, and let disaster and the 
persecutions «nd ^viii-n^feof -.our .orrntnents but unite us the 
more closely and endear \sk to each other.. Let us remember 
that what that great and good man Thomas Jefferson eaiaV 
of the times and events of '93, is true to the letter and appli- 
cable, t®ours«lves atufV otiY tunes. " Ntftpef son who was not a 
witness of the scenes of that . gfcfomy period, can form any idea 
of the afflicting persecutions and personal indignities we had to 
Yes, grid sfi^mW 4m efforts OK THE STATE RIGHTS' 
PiWpFY; and let the first blow you strike in this holy cause, 
be in the unbroken phalanx with which you will advance to the 
Polls, in support of the subjoined Ticket — in support of LI- 

State iUgljis' mxt $natuQti mtUtu